By Hans P. Binswanger-Mkhize, Camille Bourguignon, Rogier J. E. van den Brink
Regardless of 250 years of land reform around the world, very important land inequalities stay, in particular in Latin the USA and southern Africa. whereas in those areas, there's close to consensus at the desire for redistribution, a lot controversy persists round tips to redistribute land peacefully and legally, usually blocking off development on implementation. This e-book makes a speciality of the 'how' of land redistribution in an effort to forge better consensus between land reform practitioners and allow them to make larger offerings at the mechanisms of land reform.
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Additional resources for Agricultural Land Redistribution: Toward Greater Consensus (Agriculture and Rural Development Series)
Rural-to-urban migration then enables the remaining farmers to earn higher incomes (Kislev and Peterson 1982; Peterson 1997). The main reason why family-scale farms are more efficient is that their owners operate them primarily using family labor. Owners live on the farm, manage the farm themselves, and are aided by other family members who do not need a lot of supervision to work well because they care about their own property. And the owners have strong incentives to invest their savings back into their farms.
Such consensus-building efforts also can fail to produce laws that find favor with the legislature, as in the case of the proposed late-1990s land law in Zambia, or the Zimbabwe land law proposed after the conclusion of the land commission headed by Mandi Rukuni in the early 1990s. Finally, even when a legal framework is adopted, it may not be implemented properly, usually because resources for putting in place the structures and programs for implementation are absent or inadequate (Mozambique, Tanzania, Uganda); or laws and programs may be implemented slowly and poorly because of limited enforcement capacity or limited effective implementation systems (South Africa).
In Brazil, average revenues of the households who benefited from the Land Credit and Poverty Alleviation program had increased by nearly 150 percent after two years of relocation. Longitudinal household data sets on land redistribution beneficiaries of Zimbabwe’s 1980s program also show that after about 10 years, “land reform beneficiaries cultivate nearly 50 percent more land than nonbeneficiaries, obtain four times as much in crop revenues, own substantially more livestock, and have expenditures that are higher by 50 percent” (Hoogeveen and Kinsey 2001, p.
Agricultural Land Redistribution: Toward Greater Consensus (Agriculture and Rural Development Series) by Hans P. Binswanger-Mkhize, Camille Bourguignon, Rogier J. E. van den Brink